Fourth Amendment

Loewy on Fourth Amendment History, Purpose, and Remedies

Arnold H. Loewy (Texas Tech University School of Law) has posted The Fourth Amendment: History, Purpose, and Remedies on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
In this article, Professor Loewy introduces the Fourth Amendment topics debated in the 2010 Texas Tech Criminal Law Symposium. Part I of this article begins with a critical overview of the Supreme Court’s use of history in resolving Fourth Amendment questions. Part II analyzes the values that the Fourth Amendment protects, emphasizing the concept of “reasonableness.” Part III evaluates the use of the exclusionary rule to enforce Fourth Amendment values. Professor Loewy concludes by recognizing his article’s overall unfavorable appraisal of the Supreme Court and inviting the symposium’s other speakers to share their opinions.
September 24, 2010 | Permalink

ET Tu Brute….

“USA Today exposes a “pattern of serious, glaring misconduct” among federal prosecutors”

That’s the post by Doug Berman at Sentencing Law and Policy, which extensively excerpts this article, which Doug accurately characterizes as “potent and disturbing.” From the piece:
Judges have warned for decades that misconduct by prosecutors threatens the Constitution’s promise of a fair trial. Congress in 1997 enacted a law aimed at ending such abuses. Yet USA TODAY documented 201 criminal cases in the years that followed in which judges determined that Justice Department prosecutors — the nation’s most elite and powerful law enforcement officials — themselves violated laws or ethics rules.
September 23, 2010 | Permalink

I want to move there and be a city planner….

“City Officials Arrested in Los Angeles Suburb”

The article is in the New York Times:
BELL, Calif. — The investigators from the district attorney’s office showed up at the mayor’s house early Tuesday morning, arrest warrant and battering ram in hand, banging on the door. When the mayor, Oscar Hernandez, ignored their shouts — “Come out!” and “Put your hands up!” — they rammed down the door and arrested Mr. Hernandez on charges of looting the treasury of his own city to enrich himself.
. . .
According to the authorities, some of what these city officials did was legal, taking advantage of loopholes in the law, but much was not. For example, Mr. Adams, the former police chief, whose salary was a third-larger than that of the police chief of Los Angeles, Charlie Beck, was not charged. “We did not find any evidence with which to charge him,” Mr. Cooley said.
But Mr. Rizzo, the former city manager, faced 53 counts of misappropriation of funds and conflict of interest, including that he wrote his own employment contracts and pushed them through without winning approval of the City Council.

Beware of cyber space….

Hollis on Cyber Threats

Duncan B. Hollis (Temple University – James E. Beasley School of Law) has posted An e-SOS for Cyberspace on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
Individuals, shadowy criminal organizations, and nation states all now have the capacity to devastate modern societies through computer attacks. These new and severe cyberthreats put critical information, infrastructure, and lives at risk. And the threat is growing in scale and intensity with every passing day.

The conventional response to such cyberthreats is self-reliance. When self-reliance comes up short, states have turned to law for a solution. Cybercrime laws proscribe individuals from engaging in unwanted cyberactivities. Other international laws proscribe what states can (and cannot) do in terms of cyberwarfare. Both sets of rules work by attribution, targeting bad actors – whether criminals or states – to deter cyberthreats.

This Article challenges the sufficiency of existing cyber-law and security. Law cannot regulate the authors of cyberthreats because anonymity is built into the very structure of the Internet. As a result, existing rules on cybercrime and cyberwar do little to deter. They may even create new problems, when attackers and victims assume different rules apply to the same conduct.

Instead of regulating bad actors, this Article proposes states adopt a duty to assist victims of the most severe cyberthreats. A duty to assist works by giving victims assistance to avoid or mitigate serious harms. At sea, anyone who hears a victim’s SOS must offer whatever assistance they reasonably can. An e-SOS would work in a similar way. It would require assistance for cyberthreat victims without requiring them to know who, if anyone, was threatening them. An e-SOS system could help avoid harms from existing cyberthreats and deter others. Even when cyberthreats succeed, an e-SOS could make computer systems and networks more resilient to any harm they impose. At the same time, an e-SOS would compliment, rather than compete with, self-reliant measures and the existing legal proscriptions against cyberthreats.
September 11, 2010 | Permalink

AND…..

Chicago Daily Law Bulletin
September 10, 2010 Volume: 156 Issue: 177
Technology and its impact on the Fourth Amendment
Criminal Procedure

By Timothy P. O’Neill

O’Neill is a professor of law at The John Marshall Law School in Chicago. Readers are invited to visit his Web log and archives at http://www.jmls.edu/oneill.
Let’s set the Wayback Machine to 1983. You are in a law school classroom and are discussing a brand new U.S. Supreme Court case, U.S. v. Knotts, 460 U.S. 276 (1983). The professor says, “This case holds that police use of a beeper to track a suspect’s car to a drug lab is not a search under the Fourth Amendment. In order for police activity to constitute a search, it must intrude on the person’s reasonable expectation of privacy. Here the car was always on public streets; theoretically, any person could have viewed the suspect’s movements. Use of the beeper only aided the officer’s ability to track those public movements. Because the police use of the beeper was not a search, the officer did not need either a warrant or probable cause to use it.”
The professor then goes on. “But let’s imagine in the distant future that technology has given police a device they can use to track a car’s movements 24 hours a day and they use it for an entire month to track a suspect. Could you argue that this is qualitatively different from the discrete trip in Knotts and that this is a search? Or should Knotts control?”
Obviously, the “distant future” is now. Surveillance techniques are more sophisticated than anyone could have imagined 30 years ago. Predictably, courts have recently split on whether the extended use of a global positioning system (GPS) device constitutes a search under the Fourth Amendment.
The latest court to face the issue was the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit in U.S. v. Maynard, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 16417, decided Aug. 6. Without either a warrant or probable cause, the police used a GPS device to track Maynard’s car 24/7 for 28 days. Relying on Knotts, the government argued that no search occurred because Maynard had no reasonable expectation of privacy as to his movements on public streets.
However, the D.C. Circuit rejected this view of what constitutes a “reasonable expectation of privacy” and held for the defense. In doing so, it distinguished Knotts in two ways: According to the court, Maynard had neither actually nor constructively exposed his movements to the public. Therefore, Maynard had retained a “reasonable expectation of privacy” over his actions.
First, it held that unlike the single discrete trip in Knotts, “the whole of one’s movements over the course of a month is not actually exposed to the public because the likelihood anyone will observe all those movements is effectively nil.” Second, he did not even constructively expose his movements to the public because a reasonable person does not expect that anyone is monitoring and recording his every move over the course of four weeks; rather, he reasonably expects each of these movements to remain “disconnected and anonymous.” Thus, the D.C. Circuit concluded that the police engaged in a search under the Fourth Amendment.
But the 9th Circuit took a contrary view in U.S. v. Pineda-Moreno, 591 F.3d 1212 (9th Cir. 2010). Relying on Knotts, the court held that even an extended use by the police of a GPS device on a defendant’s car revealed only publicly observable behavior, and thus the police did not infringe on any reasonable expectation of privacy. Both the 7th and the 8th circuits have come to similar conclusions. U.S. v. Garcia, 474 F.3d 994 (7th Cir. 2007); U.S. v. Marquez, 605 F.3d 604 (8th Cir. 2010).
The defendant’s petition for rehearing in Pineda-Moreno was subsequently denied, but not without a stinging dissent from the denial filed by Chief Judge Alex Kozinski and joined by four other judges. 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 16708. Describing “personal privacy” as a “distant memory,” the dissent bluntly declared that “1984 may have come a bit later than predicted, but it’s here at last.” Continuing the Orwellian allusions, the dissent concluded by labeling the police activity in this case as “creepy and un-American. … Someday, soon, we may wake up and find we’re living in Oceania.”
This sharp division of federal courts on such an important issue has attracted the attention of mainstream media. See “Judges Divided Over Rising GPS Surveillance,” The New York Times, Aug. 14, 2010, A10. It is certainly an issue ripe for U.S. Supreme Court review.
So why the division of authority?
I blame the U.S. Supreme Court for making a doctrinal wrong-turn more than 30 years ago in its definition of what constitutes a “search” under the Fourth Amendment.
In 1967, the Warren Court rejected the old “physical trespass” test for determining whether the police conducted a search under the Fourth Amendment. Instead, in Katz v. U.S. the court held that police activity could constitute a search even without a physical trespass as long as it infringed on a person’s reasonable expectation of privacy. 389 U.S. 347 (1967). The Katz rule was meant to provide a more flexible standard for determining when police activity constituted a search. For example, placing a listening device on the top of a phone booth to hear the conversation going on inside can still be considered a search even though there is no physical penetration or trespass of the booth itself.
The problem with the “reasonable expectation of privacy” test is that it focuses exclusively on the person’s expectation and does not consider how egregious the police conduct is deemed by society as a whole.
Here’s one example. In 1988, the U.S. Supreme Court decided that police could go through garbage left for pickup outside a person’s home without a warrant or probable cause. California v. Greenwood, 486 U.S. 35 (1988). The Court reasoned that a person should know that the garbage is readily accessible by animals, children or scavengers. Thus, since there is no “reasonable expectation of privacy” over the garbage, police are not conducting a “search” when they look through it without a warrant or probable cause.
Some state courts have found the court’s reasoning to be a string of non sequiturs. Should a person’s acceptance of the risk that a raccoon may go through his garbage automatically mean that he must also accept the risk that the local police may intentionally examine it without a warrant or probable cause? These state courts have criticized Greenwood for focusing solely on the person’s expectation of privacy and completely ignoring society’s view of the propriety of the police conduct.
And this is why the Indiana Supreme Court rejected Greenwood in Litchfield v. State, 824 N.E.2d 356 (Ind. 2005). Rather than focusing solely on the home owner’s expectations regarding his garbage, the Indiana court directed its attention to the propriety of the police behavior. The court pithily declared, “Hoosiers are not entirely comfortable with the idea of police officers casually rummaging through trash left at curbside.”
In other words, police officers in Indiana are held to a higher standard of accountability than the ordinary raccoon.
There is a growing body of academic literature calling for a new test for what constitutes a search under the Fourth Amendment. See, e.g., Daniel J. Solove, “Fourth Amendment Pragmatism,” __ Boston College Law Review __ (2010) (forthcoming); Jed Rubenfeld, “The End of Privacy,” 61 Stanford Law Review 101 (2008); Timothy P. O’Neill, “Beyond Privacy, Beyond Probable Cause, Beyond the Fourth Amendment: New Strategies for Fighting Pretext Arrests,” 69 University of Colorado Law Review 693 (1998). In Daniel Solove’s words “The focus should not be on which government activities invade privacy; it should be on which government activities should be regulated.”
The GPS issue is merely the first in what promises to be a long line of cases dealing with the Fourth Amendment implications of new technology. Defense lawyers must be prepared to look beyond mere “privacy” concerns when arguing these issues.

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The fourth amendment and the twitter generation….

Gershowitz on Passwords, Cell Phones, and Search Incident to Arrest

Adam M. Gershowitz (University of Houston Law Center) has posted Password Protected? Can a Password Save Your Cell Phone from the Search Incident to Arrest Doctrine? (Iowa Law Review, Forthcoming) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
Over the last few years, dozens of courts have authorized police to conduct warrantless searches of cell phones when arresting individuals. Under the so-called search incident to arrest doctrine, police are free to search text messages, call histories, photos, voicemails, and a host of other data if they arrest an individual and remove a cell phone from his pocket. Given that courts have offered little protection against cell phone searches, this article explores whether individuals can protect themselves by password protecting their phones. The article concludes, unfortunately, that password protecting a cell phone offers minimal legal protection. In conducting a search incident to arrest, police may attempt to hack or bypass a password. Because cell phones are often found in arrestees’ pockets, police may take the phones to the police station where computer savvy officers will have the time and technology to unlock the phone’s contents. And if police are themselves unable to decipher the password, they may request or even demand that an arrestee turn over his password without any significant risk of the evidence on the phone being suppressed under the Miranda doctrine or as a Fifth Amendment violation. In short, while password protecting a cell phone may make it more challenging for police to find evidence, the password itself offers very little legal protection. Accordingly, legislative or judicial action is needed to narrow the search incident to arrest doctrine with respect to cell phones.

Civil or Criminal?

Peter L. Markowitz (Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law) has posted Deportation is Different on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
Over one hundred years ago, the Supreme Court emphatically declared that deportation proceedings are civil, not criminal, in nature. As a result, none of the nearly 400,000 individuals who were deported last year enjoyed any of the constitutional protections afforded to criminal defendants under the Sixth or Eighth Amendments. Among those 400,000 were numerous detained juveniles and mentally ill individuals who, as a result of the civil designation, had no right to appointed counsel. These individuals were thus forced to navigate the labyrinth of immigration law alone. Others were lawful permanent residents who had pled guilty to minor offenses upon the correct advice of counsel that they could not be deported. These individuals later became subject to deportation when Congress retroactively changed the law, unbound by the criminal prohibition against ex post facto laws. The dichotomy between the gravity of the liberty interest at stake in these proceedings – a lifetime of exile from homes and families in the United States – and the relative dearth of procedural protections afforded respondents, has always been intuitively unjust to some. However, over the past twenty years, as immigration and criminal law have become intertwined as never before, the intuitive sense of many has matured into a scholarly movement exploring the criminalization of immigration law. This movement has taken aim at the incoherence of deportation’s civil designation. Until recently, however, there was little reason to think the Supreme Court would wade into the waters of the resurgent debate over the nature of deportation proceedings. In Padilla v. Kentucky, 130 S.Ct. 1473 (2010), however, the Court surprised almost everyone as it went to great length to chronicle the criminalization of immigration law and ultimately concluded that deportation is – uniquely difficult to classify. The immediate impact of the Padilla decision is the critical recognition that criminal defendants have a right to be advised by their attorneys if a plea they are contemplating will result in deportation. However, I argue, that in time Padilla may come to stand for something much more significant in immigration jurisprudence. When we read Padilla in the context of the Supreme Court’s evolving immigration jurisprudence, there is good reason to believe that Padilla is a critical pivot point for the Court. Padilla marks the beginning of a significant reconceptualization of the nature of deportation toward the realization that it is neither truly civil nor criminal. Rather, deportation is different. It is a unique legal animal that lives in the crease between the civil and criminal labels. This article explores the evolving arch of Supreme Court jurisprudence regarding the quasi-criminal nature of deportation proceedings and articulates a principled mechanism by which the scope of respondents’ rights can be defined under this new framework.
September 8, 2010 | Permalink